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Center for International and Comparative Law · Emory University School of Law

The private international law of cross-border deals

The Sovereign Rewrite

When a government rescues a bank or rewrites a securities law, it can change a cross-border deal that has already closed. Deal documents usually address that power (see change-in-law, force majeure or bail-in clauses) but cannot fully anticipate sovereign intervention. Virág Blazsek of the University of Leeds, who writes on bank bailouts and central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), discusses how the power works and why the law struggles to keep up with it.

Updated September 29, 2026, with the interviewee’s written revisions. Revision record.

Governments create and shape markets. Many cross-border deals depend on a government, which may issue the securities, guarantee against losses, or grant the legal permission that makes the transaction possible. The documents set out the parties’ obligations in detail and address sovereign risk through provisions such as change-in-law, force majeure, and bail-in clauses. Those provisions cannot fully anticipate what a government may do to a deal after it closes.

Virág Blazsek practiced law inside financial institutions, as in-house counsel at OTP Bank Plc. in Budapest and at the United Nations Joint Staff Pension Fund in New York, before joining the University of Leeds, where she is an Associate Professor of Law. Her research compares how the United States, Britain, and the European Union rescue failing banks, and she also writes on the digital transformation of financial services. Not long ago she asked a traditional British bank about its savings accounts. “Many times, customer support cannot provide you with accurate information,” she said, “because the people who work for the banks struggle with complex terms and conditions as well as keeping up with the changes.” Trust, on which financial services run, in her view, is “not a legal thing. That’s why it’s so difficult to approach it as a legal scholar. You just know that it’s a necessary ingredient.” She points to David Landes’s The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, Francis Fukuyama’s Trust, and Rachel Botsman’s Who Can You Trust?.

The unwritten sovereign term, coined by the author of this column, refers to the power a government holds over a deal that the documents do not mention, the courts may not be able to review, and the parties did not price. In most cases, regulatory risk looks forward, because a new law affects the next deal. However, this risk looks backward, because the government can use its power against a deal that has already closed. Blazsek does not use the phrase, but her work documents the problem.

Why the Rules Break Down in a Crisis

“Almost every day a 500-page report comes out,” Blazsek said, only half joking. “I consider frequent legal and regulatory changes a pathology of law. When the volume and pace of reforms exceed the capacity of legal subjects, supervisors, and regulators to understand, internalize, and coherently apply the rules, that undermines legal certainty, systemic coherence, and trust.” Since the 2008 global financial crisis, she argues, regulators have issued rules faster than banks and their lawyers can learn them, leaving a body of law built from one-off fixes that do not fit together. The problem is worse in a crisis when a government facing a bank failure acts on its own terms, so no one can say how the rules will operate under stress (see the measures related to the 2023 US FinTech bank failures and the Swiss Government’s management of Credit Suisse’s failure in the same year). Blazsek argues that the post-2008 bank resolution frameworks were intended to replace bailouts with creditor loss allocation (bail-in), but that crisis conditions and political pressures have undermined the credibility of those frameworks over the past decade (see the 2016-17 Northern Italian bank bailouts, Banco Popular’s 2017 resolution in Spain or the above-mentioned 2023 bank failures).

The Rules Behind New Financial Products

On September 15, the World Bank’s International Development Association priced a $3 billion five-year bond, its first dollar global bond sold without registration with the Securities and Exchange Commission. The sale depended on a federal statute that exempts IDA’s securities from registration. The exemption also removes a remedy: with no registration statement, there is no claim under Section 11 of the Securities Act, under which an issuer is liable for a material misstatement in the statement without proof of fault. The bond documents set out what IDA owes; they do not say what happens to the buyer if Congress changes the statute.

Newer products, not yet tested by any crisis, raise the same issue. On September 24, British banks in an industry pilot completed the first live customer transactions using tokenized sterling deposits. UK Finance lists seven participants in the initiative: Barclays, HSBC UK, Lloyds Banking Group, Monzo, Nationwide, NatWest, and Santander. One open question, Blazsek said, is whether deposit insurance should cover these tokens; at this stage, she thinks it should.

Technology deconstructs and reconceptualizes the concept of money. “Two or three years ago, when I started to research CBDCs, I was very much against them,” she said. Her objections were the record of central banks, “which I don’t think is a success story,” and the tendency of governments to keep power once they have it: “The state has the nature of not pulling back when it gets any power in an area.” She worries that a crisis in privately issued digital assets would give central banks a reason “to do what they have always done in crisis situations, to increase their powers.”

She now accepts that tokenized payments can be faster, cheaper, and more flexible, and she thinks digitalization may eventually bring “much more efficiency and clarity,” an outcome she called “optimistic.” What she calls “very alarming” is a central bank taking over the business entirely. Whether a digital currency would help fight inflation is, she said, “a question for myself, as well, currently.”

She would test these systems before legislating for them. Her example is Student Safe (2023-25), a children’s savings app that Hungary’s central bank ran as the first real-world retail CBDC pilot in a European Union member state. The platform combined payments, savings, and financial education tools. Families joined by contract, so no new law was needed: “When it comes to piloting, my opinion is that you don’t need new legislative powers.” The central bank assumed functions normally performed by commercial intermediaries to understand operational realities: “The pilot revealed operational burdens and that the central bank would need to hire more staff to run it every day.”

How Switzerland Rescued Credit Suisse

Deal documents handle regulatory risk through conditions to closing; once a transaction has closed, however, those protections might be exhausted, and a bank failure or sovereign intervention may affect the parties’ rights without a contractual mechanism to reallocate the resulting losses. Blazsek considers the post-2008 resolution frameworks progress, but she says they “only work in business-as-usual times,” because in a panic “there’s no time, political intention, or economic rationale” to follow them.

The bondholders’ complaint, which the Second Circuit accepted for jurisdictional analysis on appeal, alleges that on March 15, 2023, Swiss officials told Credit Suisse: “You will merge with UBS and announce Sunday [March 19, 2023] before Asia opens. This is not optional.” Within four days, an emergency ordinance had waived the shareholder vote, authorized a federal loss guarantee of up to CHF 9 billion, and allowed FINMA, the Swiss regulator, to write roughly CHF 16.5 billion of Credit Suisse’s Additional Tier 1 (AT1) bonds down to zero. In October 2025, the Swiss Federal Administrative Court held that the bonds’ own conditions for a write-down had not been met and that FINMA lacked an adequate legal basis. The court revoked FINMA’s order but has not yet decided whether to reinstate the bonds, and the ruling is on appeal. Blazsek, who expects mass litigation after emergency rescues, was not surprised: “I recall the litigation arising from Banco Popular’s 2017 resolution, which was the first major application of the EU’s post-2008 resolution framework triggering one of the largest waves of litigation in the EU’s history. That ongoing case remains the leading judicial test of the EU’s post-2008 resolution framework.” The EU General Court’s 2022 account of the test cases records approximately 100 actions.

Switzerland had an alternative. The Financial Stability Board later reported that a resolution of Credit Suisse “was ready to be implemented on Sunday 19 March if so decided.” The authorities chose the merger with UBS, which did not prove resolution unworkable. It showed that the framework did not command the confidence of the officials responsible for using it.

The bond contracts did not settle the loss either. Agreeing to a write-down in specified circumstances is not agreeing to one ordered outside them. Blazsek doubts that investors understand such terms. Of the bail-in clauses in European bank debt, she said: “I’m not sure that global investors fully understand the potential consequences of these clauses.” EU law generally requires banks to include contractual recognition of bail-in clauses in many liabilities governed by non-EU law. As a result, an investor purchasing New York-law notes issued by a European bank will often encounter an acknowledgment that the notes may be written down or converted in a resolution proceeding. As she put it, “if you don’t accept it, you won’t make a deal.”

Investors who held $372 million of Credit Suisse’s AT1 bonds through the Depository Trust Company sued Switzerland in New York. A foreign state cannot be sued in an American court unless the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act provides an exception, and the investors relied on the one for commercial activity: Switzerland, they argued, had brokered the merger as an investment bank would.

In July, the Second Circuit affirmed the dismissal of the case. Switzerland’s loans and guarantees were arguably commercial, the court acknowledged, and at times it negotiated with UBS like a private party. Viewed as a whole, however, its conduct was sovereign. In Judge Calabresi’s words, Switzerland “strongarmed Credit Suisse in a manner that only a sovereign could,” and it changed the law to complete the deal “as no private party could.”

The court did not decide whether the write-down was lawful. It held only that the commercial-activity exception did not give an American court jurisdiction. Legality and remedy are separate questions: the bondholders may win in Bern and still have no court in New York in which to sue Switzerland.

Three Questions for the Buyer

Deal lawyers already price regulatory risk, but mostly the risk that the law will change before closing. The unwritten sovereign term operates after closing. Governments also leave it unwritten on purpose, a practice central bankers call constructive ambiguity: a rescue promised in advance encourages the risk-taking that makes rescues necessary. A buyer cannot negotiate the term into the contract and has to find it instead. Three questions help.

Where does the government sit in the structure? A single government may issue securities, regulate the target, guarantee its obligations, and write emergency law, and its roles can change over the life of the deal. Map each role at signing, at closing, and after.

What powers does the government hold that the documents do not mention? Look for emergency authority, bail-in powers, investment screening, and exemptions with no end date, and ask what would survive of the documents if the government used each one.

If the government acts, where can the buyer seek a remedy? Assume a court later finds the intervention unlawful, and ask whether any court will hear a claim against the government.

Apply the questions to a payments company, a common target in cross-border technology deals. Its business runs through sponsor banks, settlement systems, and accounts that hold customer funds. A government regulates each of them and can take emergency action against any of them, and the purchase agreement may never say what happens to the business if it does. The unwritten sovereign term cannot be negotiated into that agreement, but a buyer who asks the three questions before signing can identify it, and will know what it is actually buying.

Where the documents are silent, the parties fall back on trust, which Blazsek considers essential and hard to study: “We know that it’s true. But what do you do with that?” Tokenized deposits and CBDCs will make the question harder, because ultimately, each depends on government powers that no crisis has yet tested. Blazsek expects the transition to take decades. “I would be really interested to see the tipping point,” she said. “Financial services will look very, very different in 30 years. Technology may eventually help mitigate cyclical financial crises in the distant future, but during the transition it is more likely to increase systemic complexity and exacerbate the next crisis.”

Cite this piece

Eric Martin, The Sovereign Rewrite, Conflicts & Capital (Sept. 29, 2026), https://conflictsandcapital.netlify.app/chair/the-sovereign-rewrite.

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